Here we have a rare and historically significant piece of ephemera: a handwritten transcription by Emily Gerry, the daughter of Elbridge Gerry, of a letter written by her father to John Adams in 1783. Emily Gerry’s meticulous effort to preserve this letter highlights her dedication to maintaining her father’s legacy and offers a unique connection to one of America’s Founding Fathers. Elbridge Gerry, a signer of the Declaration of Independence and the fifth Vice President of the United States, was a pivotal figure in early American history. His correspondence with John Adams, another Founding Father and the second President of the United States, reflects the intellectual and political exchanges that shaped the young nation. This transcription provides a window into their relationship and the challenges of the Revolutionary and post-Revolutionary periods. This item would be an exceptional addition to any collection of historical manuscripts, Revolutionary War-era artifacts, or Americana, offering a tangible link to the formative years of the United States. See below for the full transcription. Perfect for any collector of rare historical documents.

Letter Transcription:

E Gerry to John Adams

Philadelphia 23 November 1783

My Dear Mr Adams

Mr Thaxter arrived here last evening, by the way of New York with the definitive treaty, having narrowly escaped a severe storm by reaching that port on Wednesday evening. Your favers, by him, I have received with great pleasure as I was in want of the information they contain, as well as your sentiments on several important subjects.

Governor Reed will probably deliver you this and my confidence in him will induce me to be explicit. The great object of our political enterprise with Britain is obtained and if we have wisdom and virtue to improve the advantages the issue must be happy. “Laus Deo” should be the motto of America and inscribed on every device for commemorating this great event for none but atheists can be insensible of the first obligations which result on the occasion.

Our gratitude should nevertheless be shewn to such individuals as by their eminent services have been principal instruments in promoting the measure and considered it as an act of justice, with a meritorious Washington and Green to rank those that are equally so in my mind, our Adams and Jay. You well know I am not addicted to flattery that I have an aversion to so untemptible a practice, but sensible as I am of the benefits derived from your able negotiation in Europe as well as your services In America, give me leave to express an impatience and concern, not merely at the feeble attempts to sully the reputations you have so nobly acquired but also at the neglect and indifference that has been manifested in doing that justice to your character which generosity and good policy should in my opinion long over this have exhibited, and which no exertions on my part shall be wanting to perpetuate indeed the ingratitude which you have hitherto  experienced is not to be imputed to the citizens of America at large, but principles who think “all for one, not one for all”.

Our concerns are twofold, foreign and domestic - the former by the abilities (entirely, by the integrity and abilities) of two of our Ministers in negotiating the peace are so far upon the best footing; the success of our arms, God knows, would have been of no service to us, had not the magnanimity and fortitude of our Ministers induced them to have departed in some instances from their (excuse me for calling them) servile instructions - to complete our external concerns, nothing appears to me necessary excepting treaties of commerce on reciprocal terms with every European paver that desires it. I am therefore fully of your opinion with respect to the continuance of our Ministers for this purpose and for establishing a treaty of amity with the Deys of Algiers and those other Barbary Princes that infest our commerce, after which I can see no necessity but great inconveniences in sending Ministers abroad as receiving them at home, unless for special purposes; you will probably inquire what inconveniences of being entangled with European statesmen; of being gradually diverted of our virtuous republican principles; of being a divided, influenced and dissipated people; of being induced to prefer the splendor of our court to the happiness of our citizens; and finally, of changing our form Government established at an amazing expense of blood and treasure, for a vile aristocracy or an arbitrary Monarchy. These are the inconveniences or rather the deplorable evils which I apprehend from a permanent system of embassies and had you seen what I have been so unfortunate as to see, after only three years absence from congress almost a total change of political principles; had you the same reasons for tracing these effects to the causes alluded to, perhaps we should not differ much in our proposals for a remedy. We are, my dear sir, happily placed at a distance from civilized nations; we are surrounded by barbarous ones, which if they could be humanized, would in my opinion be as far beyond some that boast of being civilized as they conceive themselves to be above the others; if such a love of grandeur and power as induced men to prefer art, intrigue, injustice, perfidy and inhumanity to the contrary virtues designate a civilized nation, in Gods name, may America never aspire to the delusive honor, but may her ne plus ultra be such a degree of dignity as is consistent with good faith and admits the salus porpuli to be suprema lex, remote them from civilized nations wherein consists the policy of such connections with them as must produce a change for our Government, the loss of our internal confidence and tranquility, an interest in their broils and quarrels, in short was perpetual intestine or foreign? Perhaps you may say these are chimeras mere creatures of the imagination that can never be realized by a Ministerial intercourse with European powers but behold the influence already established in the United States by such means and and the judge for yourself, with this assurance, if we differ in opinion on this point, that I shall with the greatest pleasure listen to your reasons and be happy in acquiescing in them.

Our domestic affairs are much deranged in consequence of the necessity we have been unclear from the commencement of the war of neglecting them altogether or of using temporary expedients; the first object of attention is the support of public credit; Independence will disgrace us unless we are honest in payment of the public debts; this a difficult task but not impracticable.

An impost has been layed or rather proposed, and the objections to it have been represented as manifesting a disposition to violate the public faith; this representation is neither candid nor just and those who are opposed to the impost have as I conceive better reasons on their parts for suspecting the supported of the plan of a design to establish an undue influence and to involve the affairs of the Treasury in mystery and perplexities that cannot be easily developed; the fact seems to be this, it is difficult to form a valuation and collect taxes by the confederation as it now stands; it may therefore require such an alteration as will remedy these defects; the former may be removed by adopting numbers in lieu of property, and the latter by enabling Congress to buy executions on the property of individuals of delinquent States with provision for obliging the Treasures thereof to reimburse the amount of the property with damages to such individuals, out of the first money that may be brought into the respective Treasuries. I have the fullest confidence in the integrity of the states and am persuaded they will either accede to some such propositions when made by Congress or propose others that will be equally affected; but surely they are under no obligation of reason or justice to adopt a system for supporting public credit, incompatible with the principles of the federal unstitution and dangerous to their liberties. 

The people in some of the states have objected to the half pay or commutation* (*The commutation was an exchange at the request of the officers, of five years pay, in public securities, for their half pay during life) granted by Congress to the Army and the reason assigned is that this grant was expressly made to reimburse the losses sustained by the depreciation of their pay which has been since made good; this I believe was the fact and therefore the objection has much weight, but such a virtuous army claims the generosity of their country and I am happy to find that the opposition to the commutation has in a great measure subsided; indeed one circumstance seems to have greatly increased the opposition, the superiority which the officers, on their return home naturally assumed over their fellow citizens, who were at least their equals and in many instances superiors before the war. Your letter to Congress on the necessity of providing for payment of our foreign debts has been improved for the purpose of supporting the system of impost, but whether it will finally be adopted by all the States is at present problematical, some of the powers of the superintendent of finance, were given five at a time when the affairs of the Treasury were greatly deranged by the exercise of these powers at the present time is considered as being unnecessary by some of the States and indeed as being dangerous and unconstitutional: they have therefore proposed by instructions to their delegates such alterations as shall prevent the influence apprehended from the powers mentioned; indeed there has been lately an alarm in the minds of the best republicans amongst us at measures supposed to have arisen from the influence mentioned connected with that of the State of P ___ a and a foreign minister thorough paced in politics; to preserve therefore the federal balance, Congress have determined no longer to reside in this city but to erect buildings for their residence in two places, on the Potomac near Georgetown and on the Delaware near Trenton and until the buildings are erected, to sit alternately at Annapolis and Trenton one federal town it is conceived will collect a number of wealthy citizens, who with some of the foreign ministers and the great officers of the departments under Congress may form an oligarchical plan of influence that may be subversive of our liberties, but the alternate residence of Congress in two places will prevent in a great measure such a collection and the influence of one town will counteract that of the other. The expense of the buildings is an object of no great consequence and double archives maybe kept without much expense. This measure was effected by a junction of the Eastern and Southern States, being violently opposed by this and some others of the middle States. I confess the measure appears to be more approved on account of the quarter from whence the opposition comes. Another species of influence supposed to have had its birth in a foreign climate and to have been innocently fostered by the worthy officers of our army, has made its appearance under the denomination of the Cincinnati the Institution and strictures thereon are inclosed for your perusal. A peace establishment is proposed for garrisoning our Western frontiers and guarding the magazines but it is doubtful whether Congress will accept the proposition. Should we have the Treasury under a superintendent with power to appoint all the officers thereof; should we consent to the import which is viewed as an intricate system for raising supplies without the check constitutionally vested in the Legislature or the possibility of detecting frauds in the collection on expenditures of the public monies; should we have one federal town with such materials for an oligarchical influence as have been mentioned; should we have a peace establishment which by various pretenses may thereafter be increased to a dangerous standing army not under the control of the respective States; should we consent to an order of Cincinnati consisting of all the officers of the army and citizens of consequence in the United States; how easy the transition from a republican to any other form of Government, however despotic! And how ridiculous to exchange a British administration, for one that would be equally tyrannical, perhaps much more so! This project may answer the end of courts that aim at making us subservient to their political purposes, but can never be consistent with the dignity or happiness of the United States.

Your resignation is not yet and I flatter myself will not be accepted. The propriety of inserting Mr Jay and yourself in the commissions cannot I think fail of being so considered by Congress. If there are three commissions the preference may be in rotations, in the first A. J. F. in the second J. F. A. In the third F. A. J. and so on in more commissions. Congress have determined on a circular letter to the States, for delegating a power for a time to regulate the commerce of the union so as to counteract the commercial  systems of Great Britain or other powers unfavorable to the States. I will endeavor if possible to comply with your request respecting Du Coudray shall write to Mrs Adams and give her the information proposed and shall and shall be mindful of your proposals respecting Mr Thaxter: but not knowing what members the new Congress will consist of. I can form no conjecture of the measures that will be adopted on any occasion.

Mr Jay is very friendly to you having written a letter highly in your favor to Congress, recommended you as Minister to the Court of London and declared his refusal of the Office if offered to him.

Your lady and family were well about six weeks past. Her father died about that time.

You will please to communicate what you think expedient to Mr Jay and Mr Dana, of the preceding scroll

and be assured I am on every occasion yours sincerely

EG

In your letters to Congress it may be expedient to omit circumstantials or minutiae as your general or comprehensive letters are most acceptable - 

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